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Africa's Democracy on Life Support

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Africa's Democracy on Life Support

Bravin Onditi

2025-11-03

Africa's democratic experiment is in deep crisis. Once hailed as the continent of promise, where multiparty politics and constitutional reform would herald a new dawn, much of Africa today finds itself in democratic regression. From the Sahel, Central Africa and the Great Lakes region, to the Horn of Africa, the signs are unmistakable: militarized politics, eroded civic space, manipulated elections, and rulers clinging to power in the name of "stability." Democracy in Africa, as once imagined through the wave of liberalization in the 1990s, is not dying quietly, it is being asphyxiated.

From the Third Wave to the Third Term

The early 1990s witnessed Africa's great democratic awakening. The collapse of the Cold War order loosened authoritarian grips, prompting a continental rush toward constitutional reform. Countries like Zambia, Benin, Ghana, and Kenya embraced multiparty politics; the rhetoric of accountability and popular sovereignty spread fast. The "third wave" of democratization held the promise that political pluralism would deliver both legitimacy and development. But three decades later, that optimism has evaporated. The very leaders who rose to power on democratic promises now weaponize the same systems to stay entrenched. The "third wave" has morphed into a "third term" wave - presidents extending mandates through constitutional referenda or judicial manipulation. Each claims that continuity ensures progress, even as civic freedoms shrink and elections turn into ritualized affirmations of incumbency.

Meanwhile, opposition parties struggle to survive amid state intimidation, media censorship, and weaponized legal systems. In Tanzania, opposition figures face harassment and bans under the guise of preserving public order. In Zimbabwe, the ruling ZANU-PF retains power through coercion and a captured electoral commission. Across the continent, ruling elites have mastered the art of governing through controlled elections allowing just enough competition to appear democratic, while ensuring outcomes remain predictable.

Elections Without Democracy

Africa now hosts elections almost every year but few are genuinely competitive. The continent's political calendar is crowded, but its democratic heartbeat is faint. In 2025, more than a dozen African countries have gone or are set to go to the polls. Yet these contests are less about choice and more about systemic choreography. Elections increasingly serve to legitimize power, not transfer it. Take Côte d'Ivoire, where Alassane Ouattara's controversial third term in 2020 set a precedent for constitutional elasticity. Or Guinea, where Alpha Condé rewrote the rules to stay in office only to be overthrown by the military months later. Such cycles show how manipulation at the top invites instability below. When ballots fail to change regimes, bullets often do.

In East Africa, Ethiopia's experiment with federal democracy has deteriorated into war and fragmentation. In Sudan, a fragile transition collapsed into chaos, where rival generals turned the democratic project into a battleground. Elections without integrity have birthed a new form of authoritarianism, "electoral authoritarianism." The ballot box remains, but its meaning is hollowed out.

Coups, Counter-Coups, and the Militarization of Politics

The Sahel region embodies Africa's sharpest democratic decline. Since 2020, coups have swept Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, Guinea, and Chad each justified as a corrective measure against corrupt civilian elites. Yet these military juntas have not restored order; they have deepened repression and isolation. In Mali and Burkina Faso, rulers Assimi Goïta and Ibrahim Traoré cast themselves as revolutionary saviors, confronting both jihadism and Western interference. Their rhetoric of sovereignty and anti-neocolonialism resonates with disillusioned populations, but beneath the populism lies a familiar pattern - the concentration of power in fatigues, not in institutions.

Across the continent, the line between soldier and statesman is again blurring. The African Union's anti-coup norm, once a continental success story, has lost credibility. Regional bodies like ECOWAS oscillate between sanctioning juntas and accommodating them for geopolitical convenience. The normalization of military rule signals not only institutional weakness but also a profound crisis of legitimacy - civilians no longer trust the ballot, and soldiers exploit that vacuum.

The Shrinking Civic Space

If the ballot box is under siege, the civic sphere is being smothered. Civil society organizations, journalists, and human rights defenders face mounting restrictions under "national security" and "anti-fake news" laws. Governments have perfected the language of democratic control - criminalizing dissent while professing commitment to dialogue. In Uganda, opposition rallies are dispersed on security grounds; in Ethiopia, journalists are detained for "spreading false information." In Tanzania and Rwanda, social media regulations muzzle independent voices. Meanwhile, civic organizations that depend on donor support are branded as "foreign agents." This erosion of civic space mirrors global trends of democratic backsliding, but its African manifestation is distinct: the state's coercive apparatus - police, intelligence, and military remains deeply politicized. The result is a paradoxical democracy: open on paper, repressive in practice.

Youth, Disillusionment, and the Crisis of Representation

Africa's population is the youngest in the world but its politics are the oldest. Leaders in their 70s and 80s preside over nations where the median age is under 20. This generational dissonance fuels cynicism and apathy among the youth, many of whom see politics not as a path to change but as a stage for elite recycling.

Movements like #EndSARS in Nigeria and Fees Must Fall in South Africa reveal a yearning for accountability and dignity beyond traditional party politics. Yet these bursts of activism often fizzle out under repression or co-optation. Across cities like Nairobi, Kinshasa, and Accra, young Africans are building alternative civic spaces - digital platforms, community initiatives, creative collectives that bypass state institutions altogether. The danger is not that Africa's youth are apolitical, but that they are post-political: skeptical of democracy's ability to deliver. As democracy loses credibility, populism gains ground.

Beyond the Pulse

If Africa's democracy is on life support, saving it requires more than ritual condemnation of coups or flawed elections. It demands institutional renewal and social ownership of politics. First, term limits must be sacrosanct not negotiable instruments of convenience. Constitutions should be shields against personal rule, not ladders to it. Second, civic education and local accountability structures must empower citizens to demand more than handouts and slogans. Third, regional organizations like the EAC, IGAD, SADC, ECOWAS, and the African Union must rebuild their moral authority, enforcing norms consistently rather than politically.